Tomorrow’s World: Are We Heading Toward War, Peace, or a New World Order? Part 2

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Recap:

Welcome back to Cause Before Symptom, where we don’t chase symptoms—we test the cause against scripture.

Last night, I began an investigation into something that has occupied the minds of people around the world. What is coming next? Are we approaching another world war, a global economic collapse, or some catastrophic event that will fundamentally change civilization? Or are we witnessing something entirely different? Could the international order that has governed much of the world for the last eighty years simply be reaching a point where economic pressure, political exhaustion, and changing national interests are forcing governments to reconsider their future?

I began with something personal. I have learned that when I live in the present, rather than constantly worrying about tomorrow, I find contentment. Jesus addressed this in Matthew 6:34 when He told us not to become consumed with tomorrow, because tomorrow has enough trouble of its own. But that does not mean we should ignore what is happening around us. We can examine the future without surrendering our peace to it.

Our first investigation took us to Canada, where Alberta has become the center of a debate concerning provincial autonomy and possible separation. We examined its enormous energy resources, its economic relationship with the United States, and the historical tensions between western Canada and Ottawa. We also discovered that separation is far more complicated than simply holding a referendum. Canadian constitutional law, Indigenous treaty rights, and public opinion present significant obstacles. My forecast was that Alberta would most likely remain Canadian through 2030, although demands for greater autonomy could continue. The larger question was whether political boundaries might eventually change through negotiation rather than military confrontation.

From Canada, we traveled to Ukraine, where years of war have produced extraordinary destruction and suffering. We examined Russia's territorial objectives, Ukraine's determination to preserve its sovereignty, and NATO's efforts to support Ukraine without becoming a direct combatant against Russia. My forecast was that military and economic exhaustion could eventually produce a ceasefire or frozen conflict, potentially leaving Russia in control of some occupied territory without Ukraine legally surrendering its claims. But we also recognized that negotiations could fail, and that an agreement without meaningful security guarantees might simply postpone another conflict.

Our third investigation examined China and the United States. These two nations compete over advanced technology, semiconductors, manufacturing, intellectual property, and military influence. Yet their economies remain deeply connected. American companies continue depending on international manufacturing networks, while China benefits from access to foreign customers and markets. We examined how American technology restrictions are encouraging China to develop its own alternatives. My prediction was that these countries would continue competing while maintaining selective economic cooperation. Neither side necessarily benefits from completely destroying a commercial relationship that has taken decades to build.

We then turned to Israel, where Benjamin Netanyahu faces an uncertain political future. We examined the history of the modern Israeli state, its security concerns, Palestinian sovereignty, settlement expansion, and the devastating consequences of the conflict in Gaza. We considered whether a change in political leadership might create an opportunity for regional de-escalation. But we also recognized that replacing a prime minister does not automatically resolve generations of conflict. My forecast was that political change could create an opening for reduced military confrontation, although lasting peace would require far more than an election.

Finally, we examined the United Nations, established in 1945 to encourage international cooperation and help prevent another world war. We discovered that its founding structure gives five permanent Security Council members extraordinary authority through their veto powers. We also examined its growing financial difficulties, including billions of dollars in unpaid contributions and an institutional restructuring initiative known as UN80. My forecast was that the organization could experience substantial reform, consolidation, and reductions in its operations before 2030. Replacing the entire institution with a new charter would be considerably more difficult, but the pressures demanding change are real.

And that is where we ended last night.

What struck me about these five investigations was that they all raised a similar question. What happens when governments and institutions can no longer maintain their existing arrangements without paying an increasingly difficult price? Does the world inevitably descend into greater conflict, or do those pressures eventually create opportunities for negotiation, reform, and a different international balance?

Tonight, we are going to continue that investigation by looking at the financial foundations of the modern world. We will examine America's Federal Reserve, the movement toward digital currency, and whether the United States could fundamentally transform its monetary system. Then we will turn to Iran and its struggle for greater economic independence, examine humanity's religious expectations concerning a coming messiah, and finally bring these developments together to determine whether they reflect a larger international realignment.

And when we reach our final investigation, I intend to make specific predictions about what the world could look like by 2030. Not prophecies, not guarantees, but forecasts that can eventually be tested against history.

Because I am beginning to see something worth considering. Perhaps the greatest mistake we make when examining world events is assuming that every disagreement must end in war, every financial crisis must end in collapse, and every political transformation must signal the end of civilization.

Perhaps some of what we are witnessing is simply the painful process of change.

And regardless of what tomorrow brings, I want to remember something Jesus taught us. I can study tomorrow, prepare for tomorrow, and attempt to understand tomorrow without allowing it to steal the peace I have today.

So tonight, we pick up where we left off, with Investigation 6: America. Can the United States reclaim economic sovereignty, and could the future of the American dollar change the financial structure of the world?

Investigation 6 — America: Can the United States Reclaim Economic Sovereignty?

What if one of the greatest transformations coming to America has nothing to do with military conquest, territorial expansion, or even which political party controls Washington? What if the real transformation involves something every American uses but relatively few understand: money? Tonight, I want to examine whether the United States could fundamentally change its monetary system, reduce its dependence on foreign economic interests, and eventually replace the Federal Reserve with a new form of digital currency. But before making that prediction, we need to understand who controls America's money, how that authority developed, and whether changing the technology of money actually changes the people who control it.

The Federal Reserve was established in 1913 under President Woodrow Wilson, following decades of banking instability and the financial panic of 1907. Congress created a central banking system intended to provide liquidity, supervise financial institutions, and reduce the frequency of devastating banking crises. Today, the Federal Reserve consists of a government Board of Governors, twelve regional Reserve Banks, and the Federal Open Market Committee, which determines monetary policy. Its structure combines public authority with certain private banking characteristics, but it is not simply a privately owned corporation controlling the government. Congress established its authority and retains the power to amend the laws governing it.

Nevertheless, the Federal Reserve exercises enormous influence over American economic life. Interest-rate decisions affect mortgages, business loans, employment, investment, and government borrowing costs. The dollar also functions as the world's principal reserve currency, allowing international trade and financial markets to operate through dollar-denominated assets. This gives the United States extraordinary financial influence, but it also connects American monetary policy to economic developments far beyond its borders.

Now consider what is changing. Digital payment systems are expanding, and Congress has established a regulatory framework for dollar-backed payment stablecoins through the GENIUS Act. In September 2026, the Federal Reserve proposed additional regulations concerning reserves, capital requirements, and risk management for certain stablecoin issuers. These developments demonstrate that America's financial infrastructure is changing, but they do not establish that the Federal Reserve is being replaced.

We must distinguish three possibilities. A central bank digital currency would represent money issued directly by the central bank. A private stablecoin represents a digital claim backed by specified assets, generally designed to maintain a stable value against the dollar. Tokenized bank deposits represent another way of transferring existing bank money through newer technology. All three could operate digitally, but their legal structures, risks, and implications for privacy are different.

There is another important development. In October 2026, the administration renewed its effort to remove Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook, raising serious questions about central bank independence and presidential authority. This dispute illustrates that control over monetary policy remains politically contested. But political disagreement with the Federal Reserve does not automatically mean Congress intends to abolish it.

My forecast is that America will move toward increasingly digital financial infrastructure by 2030. Private stablecoins, faster settlement systems, and tokenized financial assets may become more important. However, I consider the complete replacement of the Federal Reserve with a government-issued digital dollar substantially less likely. Such a change would require major legislation, institutional restructuring, and decisions concerning monetary authority that technology alone cannot resolve.

And what about foreign influence? Greater domestic manufacturing, diversified supply chains, and stronger financial infrastructure could reduce particular foreign dependencies. But complete economic independence is neither realistic nor necessarily desirable in a world connected through trade, investment, and international finance.

Proverbs 22:7 reminds us that the borrower is servant to the lender. That principle raises a question worth examining: does national freedom depend upon the technology used to transfer money, or upon the debt, obligations, and economic relationships underlying that money?

Perhaps America will experience a monetary transformation without abolishing its central bank. Perhaps the dollar will become increasingly digital while the struggle over who governs its value continues.

And if economic sovereignty is becoming an increasingly important question for America, imagine its significance for a country whose ability to sell its most valuable natural resource has been constrained by decades of sanctions and international confrontation. That brings us to Iran.

Investigation 7 — Iran: Could Economic Independence Reshape the Middle East?

What if one of the most important changes coming to the Middle East is not another war, but a country gaining greater freedom to sell its own natural resources? For decades, Iran has been portrayed as a central source of instability in the region. We hear about nuclear enrichment, sanctions, military threats, proxy organizations, and confrontations with Israel and the United States. But tonight, I want to examine something beneath those headlines. Who benefits from controlling access to Iranian oil, and what might happen if Iran could sell its resources more freely on the international market?

To understand this question, we must return to the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1908, major oil deposits were discovered in Persia, and British commercial interests soon became deeply involved in their development. The Anglo-Persian Oil Company, later renamed the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, became central to Britain's energy interests. Although Iran remained a sovereign country, foreign influence over its petroleum industry created enormous political resentment. In 1951, Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh nationalized the oil industry, challenging British control. Two years later, British and American intelligence agencies supported a coup that removed him from power.

That history matters because it helps explain why Iranian political leaders have repeatedly connected national sovereignty with control over natural resources. But we must also recognize what changed. The Islamic Revolution of 1979 ended the monarchy and established the Islamic Republic. Iran subsequently developed its own state-controlled petroleum industry. Therefore, Iran is not presently a British colony, nor does Israel own its oil resources. The more accurate question is whether Iran can exercise greater economic independence from sanctions, international banking restrictions, and military pressure.

Iran possesses some of the world's largest proven oil and natural gas reserves. Its geographical position along the Persian Gulf and near the Strait of Hormuz gives it strategic importance far beyond its borders. The strait is a critical route for international energy shipments, meaning that confrontation involving Iran can affect fuel prices and shipping costs throughout the world.

But Iran's ability to profit from its resources has been constrained by international sanctions, particularly American restrictions targeting petroleum exports, banking, shipping, and companies conducting certain transactions with Iranian entities. These restrictions have not completely stopped Iranian oil sales. China has remained a major purchaser, often through trading arrangements designed to manage sanctions exposure. However, limited access to financial markets, transportation services, and potential customers can reduce revenues and increase transaction costs.

Now consider the larger geopolitical picture. Iran maintains relationships with Russia and China, while neighboring Gulf countries must balance their security concerns against the economic consequences of regional conflict. Israel regards Iran's nuclear and military capabilities as major security threats. Iran, in turn, views Israeli and American military pressure as threats to its sovereignty. These concerns are not imaginary, and any forecast suggesting that economic negotiations alone will resolve them would overlook serious political and military obstacles.

There is also an internal question that cannot be ignored. Greater freedom from foreign economic pressure does not automatically mean greater freedom for Iranian citizens. Iran's political institutions, restrictions on dissent, economic management, and treatment of civil liberties remain matters of substantial concern. National sovereignty and individual liberty are related, but they are not the same thing.

My forecast is that Iran may pursue greater economic independence through expanded relationships with Asian markets, regional diplomacy, and attempts to negotiate sanctions relief. If military confrontation decreases, Iranian petroleum could become more accessible to international buyers. But I would not predict complete freedom from sanctions or foreign pressure by 2030 without evidence of meaningful diplomatic agreements.

Proverbs 16:7 tells us, "When a man's ways please the LORD, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." That does not guarantee a particular diplomatic outcome, but it reminds us that hostility need not remain permanent.

Perhaps the Middle East's future will depend less on which nation can threaten another and more on whether governments discover that cooperation offers greater security than endless confrontation.

And that brings us to a different kind of expectation about tomorrow. While governments pursue security through military power and economic influence, millions of people are waiting for a religious figure they believe will transform the world. But are those expectations grounded in prophecy, political interpretation, or humanity's recurring desire for someone to rescue it from uncertainty?

Investigation 8 — The Religious Messiah: Why Does Humanity Keep Waiting for Someone to Save the World?

There is something extraordinary about humanity's relationship with the future. Governments promise prosperity, political movements promise liberation, and religious traditions speak of a coming age when suffering, injustice, and conflict will finally be overcome. Yet beneath these different expectations is a remarkably similar human desire. People want someone to arrive and make everything right. Tonight, I want to examine whether the world is actually approaching the appearance of a religious messiah, or whether humanity has once again confused its longing for deliverance with a prediction about tomorrow.

In Judaism, the expectation of the Messiah developed through centuries of scriptural interpretation, national suffering, exile, and hope for restoration. The Hebrew word *Mashiach* means anointed one. In traditional Jewish belief, the future Messiah is generally understood as a human descendant of David who will help restore Israel, establish justice, and usher in an era of peace and knowledge of God. Jewish traditions differ concerning the details, but mainstream Judaism does not recognize Jesus as having fulfilled the messianic expectations.

Christianity approaches the question differently. Christians believe Jesus is the promised Messiah who has already come, suffered, died, and risen from the dead. Most Christian traditions also anticipate His return, although they disagree about the sequence and interpretation of events associated with it. Some emphasize a future tribulation and Antichrist, while others understand much of biblical apocalyptic language through historical, symbolic, or already-fulfilled events. These differences matter because Christianity does not possess one universally accepted timetable for the end of history.

Islam introduces another perspective. Many Muslims anticipate the appearance of the Mahdi, a rightly guided leader associated with the restoration of justice. Twelver Shia Muslims identify him with the hidden twelfth Imam, while Sunni understandings vary considerably. Islamic traditions also anticipate the return of Jesus, known as Isa, although Muslims do not understand His identity and mission in the same way Christians do. These are distinct religious teachings, not interchangeable descriptions of one universally recognized figure.

Now consider what happens when these expectations enter politics. Throughout history, individuals have claimed divine authority, prophetic fulfillment, or a special role in restoring their nations. Some inspired religious reform, while others built movements around themselves. Political leaders have also benefited when supporters interpreted their actions as signs of a coming religious transformation. The danger begins when ordinary political developments are treated as unquestionable evidence that a sacred prediction is being fulfilled.

Jesus addressed this danger directly. In Matthew 24:23–24, He warned against those announcing that Christ had appeared in a particular location and cautioned that false Christs and false prophets would deceive many. Earlier in the same chapter, He warned that wars and rumors of wars should not automatically be interpreted as proof that the end had arrived. His instruction was not to abandon discernment, but to exercise it.

This brings me to my forecast. I do not expect an identifiable religious figure to emerge before 2030 who is universally accepted across Judaism, Christianity, and Islam as the fulfillment of their different messianic expectations. I do expect religious movements, political commentators, and self-proclaimed prophets to continue interpreting international events through their respective beliefs. That is a prediction about observable human behavior, not a claim that anyone can scientifically determine when divine intervention will or will not occur.

And perhaps that distinction is the most important part of this investigation. Faith and forecasting are not the same activity. A Christian can believe in the return of Jesus without claiming to know the date. A Jewish believer can await the Messiah without accepting every political leader who promises restoration. A Muslim can maintain an expectation concerning the Mahdi without assuming that every regional conflict announces his arrival.

Matthew 6:34 returns us to the question that began tonight's investigation. Why sacrifice the peace available today because of events that may or may not happen tomorrow?

Perhaps humanity's greatest challenge is not discovering who will rescue the world in the future, but learning how to practice justice, mercy, humility, and love in the present.

And with that question established, we can finally bring our investigations together. Are these political, economic, and religious developments independent events, or are they symptoms of a much larger transformation taking place throughout the world?

Investigation 9 — The Realignment: Are These Events Connected?

Throughout tonight's investigation, I have examined eight possibilities that, at first glance, appear unrelated. A Canadian province questioning its political future, Russia and Ukraine fighting over territory, China competing with America while depending upon its markets, Israel facing a political transition, the United Nations struggling financially, America's monetary system becoming increasingly digital, Iran seeking greater economic independence, and religious communities anticipating extraordinary events. But what if these are not simply isolated developments? What if they reflect a common pressure building beneath the international order?

To understand that possibility, we must return to 1945. The Second World War left much of Europe and Asia devastated, while the United States emerged with extraordinary industrial, military, and financial power. Institutions including the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank helped shape the postwar international system. The American dollar became central to global finance, and military alliances established security arrangements that continued through the Cold War and beyond. These institutions were not created by one secret authority directing every nation. They emerged through negotiations among governments pursuing their own interests, often while disagreeing with one another.

But institutions designed for one historical period must eventually confront circumstances their founders could not anticipate. The Soviet Union disappeared. China became a manufacturing and technological power. European economies integrated. International supply chains connected countries that remained political rivals. Digital technologies transformed commerce, communication, and surveillance. Meanwhile, government borrowing, aging populations, energy competition, and military expenditures created pressures that cannot be resolved simply by issuing another political statement.

Consider the financial dimension. Governments can borrow money to sustain military operations, social programs, and public institutions, but borrowing creates future obligations. Higher interest costs can limit the resources available for other priorities. Military alliances require equipment, personnel, infrastructure, and political commitment. International organizations require funding. Even powerful countries must eventually make choices about what they can afford to maintain.

Now examine the incentives. Russia wants security and influence while bearing the costs of war. Ukraine wants sovereignty and protection against future aggression. China wants technological independence without losing valuable export markets. America wants strategic advantages while preserving economic prosperity. Israel wants security, while Palestinians seek freedom, safety, and self-determination. Iran wants greater freedom from sanctions and military pressure. These interests sometimes overlap, but they also directly contradict one another. That is why shared economic pressure does not guarantee shared political solutions.

I see three possible directions emerging. The first is negotiated stabilization, in which exhausted governments accept compromises, reduce military confrontation, and reform institutions. The second is fragmentation, in which countries build competing economic blocs, restrict technology transfers, and develop regional alliances without entering a single global war. The third is escalation, in which miscalculation, nationalism, or failed negotiations produce additional military conflicts.

My assessment is that fragmentation accompanied by selective negotiation may be more plausible than either complete global peace or an inevitable third world war. Nations may cooperate where cooperation benefits them and confront one another where their interests collide. Some conflicts may end while others begin. Economic integration may survive in certain industries while disappearing in others.

But there is another question. Are we observing the collapse of an international order, or simply its adaptation? History warns against confusing visible instability with inevitable destruction. Institutions can survive severe crises, and new arrangements do not always replace old ones completely. Sometimes the future is built upon the very structures people expected to disappear.

Ecclesiastes 1:9 reminds us that what has been will be again, and that there is no new thing under the sun. Human technology changes, but ambition, fear, competition, cooperation, and the desire for security remain remarkably familiar.

Perhaps the cause beneath these symptoms is not a coordinated plan to reorganize humanity, but the accumulated pressure of governments attempting to preserve systems that are becoming more expensive and difficult to maintain.

And that brings us to the final investigation. If these pressures continue, what might the world actually look like by 2030? It is time to move beyond possibilities and make a forecast that history can eventually test.

Investigation 10 — The Forecast: What Might the World Look Like by 2030?

Tonight, I have examined eight possibilities that challenge the prevailing fear that humanity is inevitably approaching a catastrophic global conflict. Now comes the difficult part. I want to make predictions that can be examined against what actually happens. These are not prophecies, revelations, or guarantees. They are judgments based upon historical patterns, economic incentives, political constraints, and the evidence available in October 2026. I will assign probabilities, not because the future can be calculated with certainty, but because a prediction without a measure of uncertainty is little more than an opinion.

Beginning with Canada, I estimate an 85 percent probability that Alberta remains part of Canada through 2030. I assign approximately a 10 percent probability that it begins a serious, formally negotiated separation process, and less than a 5 percent probability that it becomes an American state. The pressures behind western Canadian separatism are genuine, but constitutional obstacles, public opinion, and Indigenous treaty rights make actual separation extraordinarily difficult.

In Ukraine, I estimate a 55 percent probability that the conflict reaches a ceasefire or frozen military arrangement by 2030, with Russia retaining control of at least some Ukrainian territory it currently occupies. That would not necessarily mean international recognition of Russian sovereignty. I also consider direct NATO entry into a sustained war against Russia unlikely, although escalation cannot be ruled out. The greatest uncertainty is whether either side believes continued fighting offers a better outcome than negotiation.

Regarding China, I assign a 75 percent probability that substantial American-Chinese manufacturing relationships survive through 2030, even as both governments restrict sensitive technologies. I expect China to expand domestic semiconductor development while American companies continue relying on selected Chinese suppliers. Economic cooperation and strategic competition are not mutually exclusive.

In Israel, I estimate a roughly even possibility of Netanyahu losing the premiership following the October 2026 election and subsequent coalition negotiations. I place the probability of a meaningful, sustained reduction in regional military confrontation before 2030 at approximately 45 percent. A different prime minister might open diplomatic opportunities, but Palestinian self-determination, Israeli security concerns, settlement policy, and regional rivalries would remain unresolved.

For the United Nations, I estimate an 80 percent probability of substantial administrative restructuring, consolidation, or program reductions by 2030. However, I assign less than a 10 percent probability that the entire organization is replaced by a successor operating under a fundamentally new charter and name. Financial distress can force reform, but replacing the UN requires political agreement among governments that frequently disagree.

In America, I estimate an 85 percent probability that digital financial infrastructure becomes more important by 2030. Private stablecoins, tokenized deposits, and faster settlement systems may expand considerably. But I assign less than a 10 percent probability that Congress abolishes the Federal Reserve and replaces it with a government-issued digital dollar during that period. Digitizing money does not automatically transfer monetary authority or eliminate foreign economic influence.

For Iran, I estimate a 60 percent probability that it continues expanding or diversifying commercial relationships outside traditional Western markets. I assign a lower probability to comprehensive sanctions relief and unrestricted access to international petroleum markets. Greater economic independence remains possible, but it depends upon diplomacy, domestic decisions, and regional security developments.

Concerning religious expectations, I will not assign a numerical probability to the return of Christ or any claimed divine intervention. Such events cannot responsibly be evaluated using the same methods as elections, economic reforms, or military negotiations. I do predict that religious interpretations of international events will continue influencing public expectations and political movements.

These percentages are subjective estimates, not statistical calculations, and several outcomes could occur together. Their purpose is to make my assumptions visible and open to correction.

So what is my overall forecast? By 2030, I expect a world that remains politically divided but increasingly compelled to negotiate selected disputes. Some institutions will reform, some economic relationships will change, and some conflicts may become frozen rather than permanently resolved. I consider a fragmented international order with selective cooperation more likely than either lasting worldwide peace or an unavoidable global war.

But here is the most important distinction. A forecast is not a command to be afraid. It is an attempt to understand possibilities while recognizing that tomorrow remains uncertain.

Jesus said in Matthew 6:34, "Take therefore no thought for the morrow: for the morrow shall take thought for the things of itself." I can examine the future, study the evidence, and make predictions without surrendering my present peace to events that have not happened.

Perhaps that is the lesson beneath tonight's entire investigation. The world may change dramatically by 2030, but I do not have to wait until 2030 to discover contentment. I can live faithfully today, remain attentive tomorrow, and allow history to reveal which of these predictions were correct.

Conclusion — Tomorrow Is Not Ours, but Today Is

Tonight, I set out to do something different. Rather than examine another prediction of global destruction, another warning about the end of civilization, or another theory explaining why humanity is approaching its final catastrophe, I wanted to ask a much simpler question. What if the future is not nearly as frightening as people have been led to believe? What if the world is not necessarily approaching its destruction, but instead experiencing the painful process of political, economic, and institutional change?

I examined Canada and the possibility of a province challenging its relationship with the federal government. I examined Ukraine and whether military exhaustion might eventually accomplish what diplomacy has so far failed to achieve. I examined China and America, two powerful competitors whose economic interests remain connected despite their political disagreements. I examined Israel, where a change in leadership could create opportunities for regional de-escalation. And I examined the United Nations, an institution created to preserve international cooperation that now faces serious questions about its finances, effectiveness, and future.

I also examined America's monetary system, where technological changes could transform how money moves without necessarily changing who controls monetary policy. I examined Iran, whose struggle for greater economic independence cannot be separated from its history, energy resources, and relationships with foreign powers. And finally, I examined humanity's recurring expectation that someone will arrive to rescue the world, whether through political leadership or religious fulfillment.

What did these investigations reveal? Not that every prediction I made will come true. Some almost certainly will not. But they revealed something that deserves our attention. Nations have limits. Governments have limits. Military power has limits. Financial institutions have limits. Even the organizations established to manage international affairs must eventually confront the consequences of changing circumstances.

And perhaps that is what we are witnessing. Not necessarily the end of the world, but the exhaustion of certain arrangements that have governed it.

History does not move in a straight line toward either peace or destruction. Sometimes nations negotiate after years of fighting. Sometimes governments change without revolutions. Sometimes economic competitors discover that cooperation serves their interests better than confrontation. And sometimes the institutions people believed would last forever are transformed into something their founders never imagined.

But I want to return to the reason I began this investigation.

I have discovered that when I stop living in tomorrow, I become content with today. That realization did not come from predicting the future correctly. It came from understanding that I was spending too much of my life carrying burdens that had not yet arrived. I cannot control what Russia decides, what China develops, who governs Israel, or what happens to the United Nations. I can study those things, examine the evidence, and prepare responsibly. But I cannot allow them to determine whether I experience peace in my own life.

Jesus understood this distinction. In Matthew 6:34, He taught us not to become consumed with tomorrow, because tomorrow will have concerns of its own. He did not tell us to abandon wisdom, ignore injustice, or stop caring about our neighbors. He taught us that anxiety about the future should not become the master of our present lives.

And that brings me to something I believe is more important than any prediction made tonight.

If I spend my entire life waiting for the world to become peaceful before I allow myself to experience peace, I may never experience it. If I wait for governments to become righteous before I practice righteousness, I have surrendered my responsibility to people I cannot control. And if I wait for humanity to learn how to love before I begin loving my neighbor, I have missed the very instruction Christ placed before me.

My forecast for 2030 may be right in some places and wrong in others. History will determine that. But I do not need to know the outcome of every international conflict to know how I should live tomorrow morning.

Perhaps the world will become more divided. Perhaps it will become more cooperative. Perhaps some wars will end while new disagreements emerge. Whatever happens, the responsibility to pursue truth, practice mercy, and love our neighbors remains.

So I will continue investigating. I will continue questioning the narratives presented to us. I will continue looking for causes rather than chasing symptoms. But I refuse to surrender the peace of today to the uncertainty of tomorrow.

Because the future is something I can study, but the present is where I actually live.

And perhaps the greatest prediction I can make tonight is not about governments, currencies, borders, or wars.

It is that tomorrow will arrive whether I worry about it or not.

And when it does, I intend to be there, living in that moment rather than fearing the next one.

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• Allison, Graham. Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides's Trap? Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2017.
• Kennedy, Paul. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000. New York: Random House, 1987.
• Mearsheimer, John J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. Updated ed. New York: W. W. Norton, 2014.
• Polanyi, Karl. The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1944.
• Tetlock, Philip E., and Dan Gardner. Superforecasting: The Art and Science of Prediction. New York: Crown, 2015.

Endnotes

1. The Holy Bible, King James Version (London: Robert Barker, 1611), Matthew 6:34. Christ's teaching concerning anxiety about tomorrow provides the central scriptural foundation for distinguishing responsible preparation from fear of future events.
2. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Ecclesiastes 3:1. The passage concerning appointed times and seasons provides a theological framework for discussing political and institutional change without claiming that specific contemporary events fulfill biblical prophecy.
3. Supreme Court of Canada, Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217. The Court concluded that a clear democratic expression favoring secession would create a constitutional obligation to negotiate, rather than an automatic legal right to unilateral independence.
4. Parliament of Canada, Clarity Act, S.C. 2000, c. 26. The legislation establishes federal requirements concerning the clarity of referendum questions and democratic mandates in any proposed provincial secession process.
5. Elections Alberta, “Referendum,” Government of Alberta, 2026, https://www.elections.ab.ca/elections/referendum/. Provincial referendum procedures provide the legal context for examining Alberta's separatist movement. A referendum concerning the initiation of a separation process must not be confused with an immediate declaration of independence or accession to the United States.
6. Reuters Fact Check, “Only Alberta Residents Can Vote by Mail in Provincial Referendum,” October 9, 2026. Contemporary reporting provides additional context concerning the administration and public discussion of Alberta's referendum.
7. North Atlantic Treaty Organization, The North Atlantic Treaty (Washington, DC, April 4, 1949). Article 5 establishes collective-defense obligations among NATO members. Ukraine is not a NATO member, and the treaty does not automatically require NATO to enter the conflict on Ukraine's behalf.
8. United Nations General Assembly, Territorial Integrity of Ukraine: Defending the Principles of the Charter of the United Nations, Resolution ES-11/4, October 12, 2022. The resolution affirms Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and rejects Russia's attempted annexation of Ukrainian territory.
9. Council on Foreign Relations, “War in Ukraine,” Global Conflict Tracker, https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker. The conflict tracker provides background on territorial control, military developments, international involvement, and the continuing uncertainty surrounding a negotiated settlement.
10. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Luke 14:31. Christ's illustration of a king considering whether his forces can confront a larger army supplies the scriptural reference concerning the importance of calculating the costs of conflict.
11. Office of the United States Trade Representative, Findings of the Investigation into China's Acts, Policies, and Practices Related to Technology Transfer, Intellectual Property, and Innovation under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974(Washington, DC, March 22, 2018). The investigation documents American concerns involving technology transfers, intellectual-property protections, and Chinese industrial policies.
12. World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accession of the People's Republic of China (Geneva, November 10, 2001). China's accession provides an important historical foundation for understanding the growth of interconnected American and Chinese manufacturing relationships.
13. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Industry and Security, “Export Controls on Advanced Computing and Semiconductor Manufacturing Items,” Federal Register, various rules and amendments. These measures illustrate the increasing national-security restrictions affecting advanced semiconductor technologies and international supply chains.
14. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Proverbs 16:16. The passage concerning the superiority of wisdom and understanding over material wealth supports the distinction between economic opportunity and responsible political judgment.
15. United Nations General Assembly, Future Government of Palestine, Resolution 181 (II), November 29, 1947. The partition recommendation provides historical context for the competing national claims and political developments surrounding the establishment of the modern State of Israel.
16. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 242, November 22, 1967. The resolution established principles concerning withdrawal from territories occupied during the 1967 war and the right of states in the region to live within secure and recognized boundaries.
17. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2334, December 23, 2016. The resolution addresses Israeli settlement activity in territory occupied since 1967 and its implications for a negotiated two-state settlement.
18. International Court of Justice, Legal Consequences Arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Including East Jerusalem, Advisory Opinion, July 19, 2024. The opinion addresses the legal consequences of Israel's continued presence and policies in the occupied Palestinian territory.
19. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Matthew 24:6. Christ's warning concerning wars and rumors of wars is used to distinguish observable geopolitical conflict from claims that a specific contemporary event establishes the timing of the end.
20. United Nations, Charter of the United Nations (San Francisco, June 26, 1945). The Charter establishes the purposes, institutional structure, and legal framework of the organization, including the Security Council and the procedures governing Charter amendments.
21. United Nations, Key Facts from the UN80 Initiative Progress Report (June 2026). The report describes institutional reform proposals and financial pressures, including accumulated unpaid assessed contributions. These obligations should be distinguished from the organization's annual operating deficit.
22. United Nations, Financial Regulations and Rules of the United Nations (New York: United Nations). These regulations establish the financial framework through which the organization manages contributions, expenditures, and administrative responsibilities.
23. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Ecclesiastes 3:1. The passage is applied to the historical observation that human institutions may undergo periods of establishment, reform, and decline.
24. United States Congress, Federal Reserve Act, Public Law 63-43, December 23, 1913, as amended. The legislation established the Federal Reserve System and remains the foundation of its statutory authority.
25. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, The Federal Reserve System: Purposes & Functions, 10th ed. (Washington, DC: Federal Reserve Board, 2016). This publication explains the Federal Reserve's institutional structure, monetary-policy responsibilities, banking supervision, and role in the American financial system.
26. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Money and Payments: The U.S. Dollar in the Age of Digital Transformation (Washington, DC, January 2022). The discussion paper examines potential central bank digital currency arrangements and the implications for payment systems, financial stability, and privacy.
27. United States Congress, Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for U.S. Stablecoins Act (GENIUS Act), Public Law 119-27, 2025. The legislation establishes a federal framework for payment stablecoins, which are legally and institutionally distinct from a central bank digital currency.
28. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Proverbs 22:7. The passage concerning the relationship between borrowers and lenders provides the scriptural foundation for discussing financial obligations and economic dependence.
29. Ervand Abrahamian, The Coup: 1953, the CIA, and the Roots of Modern U.S.-Iranian Relations (New York: New Press, 2013). Abrahamian examines the nationalization of Iranian petroleum resources and the British and American involvement in the overthrow of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh.
30. Mark J. Gasiorowski and Malcolm Byrne, eds., Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2004). The collection provides historical analysis of the coup, foreign intelligence involvement, and the political consequences for Iranian sovereignty.
31. U.S. Department of the Treasury, Office of Foreign Assets Control, “Iran Sanctions,” https://ofac.treasury.gov/sanctions-programs-and-country-information/iran-sanctions. American sanctions regulations provide the legal context for restrictions affecting Iranian petroleum transactions, international banking, and commercial relationships.
32. U.S. Energy Information Administration, “Country Analysis Brief: Iran.” The agency's energy analysis provides background concerning Iran's petroleum reserves, production, exports, and strategic importance to international energy markets.
33. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Proverbs 16:7. The passage concerning peace with enemies provides a theological reflection on reconciliation without establishing a prediction about any particular diplomatic agreement.
34. John J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2016). Collins examines the historical development and interpretation of Jewish apocalyptic traditions.
35. Daniel Boyarin, The Jewish Gospels: The Story of the Jewish Christ (New York: New Press, 2012). Boyarin explores Jewish interpretive traditions relevant to early Christian understandings of messianic identity.
36. N. T. Wright, Jesus and the Victory of God (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996). Wright examines Jesus within the historical setting of first-century Judaism and its expectations concerning restoration, divine judgment, and the kingdom of God.
37. David Cook, Studies in Muslim Apocalyptic (Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 2002). Cook examines Islamic apocalyptic traditions and expectations concerning future religious and political developments.
38. Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi'i Islam: The History and Doctrines of Twelver Shi'ism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985). Momen explains Twelver Shia teachings concerning the Imamate and the expected return of the hidden Imam.
39. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Matthew 24:23–24. Christ's warning concerning false Christs and false prophets provides the scriptural basis for caution against claims of contemporary messianic fulfillment.
40. Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 (New York: Random House, 1987). Kennedy examines the relationship between economic resources, military commitments, and the long-term sustainability of great-power influence.
41. John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, updated ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2014). Mearsheimer's analysis provides a realist framework for examining strategic competition, military power, and international insecurity.
42. Graham Allison, Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides's Trap? (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2017). Allison examines historical patterns of confrontation between established and rising powers and their implications for American-Chinese relations.
43. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1944). Polanyi examines the interaction between economic systems, political institutions, and social responses to major economic transformations.
44. Philip E. Tetlock and Dan Gardner, Superforecasting: The Art and Science of Prediction (New York: Crown, 2015). Tetlock and Gardner explain probabilistic forecasting, the importance of updating predictions, and the distinction between measurable uncertainty and unsupported certainty.
45. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Ecclesiastes 1:9. The passage concerning recurring patterns in human affairs provides a scriptural reflection on the historical repetition of ambition, conflict, cooperation, and institutional change.
46. The Holy Bible, King James Version, Matthew 6:34. The passage concludes the investigation by distinguishing the responsible examination of future possibilities from allowing anxiety about tomorrow to dominate the present.

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